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The Impeachment of Abraham Lincoln, by Stephen L. Carter

The Impeachment of Abraham Lincoln, by Stephen L. Carter



The Impeachment of Abraham Lincoln, by Stephen L. Carter

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The Impeachment of Abraham Lincoln, by Stephen L. Carter

From the author of the bestsellers The Emperor of Ocean Park and New England White, an electrifying and provocative historical novel set in an alternate history in which Abraham Lincoln survives assassination at Ford’s Theatre on April 14, 1865. In this gripping legal and political thriller, Stephen L. Carter imagines what might have happened if Lincoln had lived to face the tumultuous post-war politics of 1865 Washington, D.C., including an impeachment trial for overstepping his Constitutional authority during the Civil War. At the novel’s center is Abigail Canner, a young black woman recently graduated from Oberlin, who is hired by the D.C. law firm that is working on Lincoln’s defense. When one of Lincoln’s lead lawyers is found brutally murdered, Abigail is plunged into a web of intrigue, politics, and conspiracy.

  • Sales Rank: #312415 in Books
  • Published on: 2013-04-09
  • Released on: 2013-04-09
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 8.00" h x 1.20" w x 5.20" l, 1.10 pounds
  • Binding: Paperback
  • 667 pages

Review

Praise for Stephen L. Carter's The Impeachment of Abraham Lincoln:

“Carter is a masterly novelist. . . . Carter makes the setting seem true, creating as real an immediate postwar Washington as Gore Vidal’s wartime Washington in Lincoln. He has also created an interesting Zelig-like character in the free young black woman Abigail Canner.”
—San Francisco Chronicle

“An entertaining story rooted in the legal, political and racial conflicts of 19th-century America.”
—The Washington Post
 
“A novel that is as epic and full of turns as the Civil War itself. . . . Carter writes with a gentle elegance of the trauma in the streets and parlors of Washington as Americans grapple with the lingering tragedy of the war, the assassination attempt, and the impeachment. . . . There are really two interesting and parallel stories here: One is a meticulously laid-out courtroom drama. . . . The other is a Grisham-style caper involving the improbable ascension of a gung-ho, young middle-class black woman named Abigail Canner. . . . Carter’s cool style gives the novel a breezy accessibility.”
—The Seattle Times
 
“There’s a lot going on in this big, smart book. . . . What makes the novel so vastly entertaining is the author’s sharp skewering of politicians, lawyers, and the monied social class that runs Washington. . . . Carter raises important questions about governing during wartime and in peace, and he interrogates the motivations behind impeachment in general. Lofty legal arguments coincide with a grittier plot involving murder, the demimonde, and a mysterious list of possible anti-Lincoln conspirators. Romantic complications abound.”
—The Boston Globe
 
“Entertaining. . . . [A] rich political thriller that dares to imagine how events might have ricocheted in a different direction after the Civil War. . . . Carter’s delight in all this material is infectious. He’s a fantastic legal dramatist, and there’s the constant pleasure of seeing his creation of Washington City in 1867, alive with sounds and smells. . . . History buffs can test their mettle by trying to unwind Carter’s entangling of fact and fiction.”
—The Washington Post
 
“[T]he best legal thriller so far this year. . . . I’ve liked Carter’s four previous forays into fiction. This one, I loved.”
—Patrik Henry Bass, Essence Magazine
 
“A vivid portrait. . . . The best thing about sitting down with this rich, often thrilling novel is watching its alternative history unfold.”
—The Washingtonian
 
“Fascinating . . . impressively imagined . . . A time in American history when lofty principles and petty concerns battled for pride of place in the national consciousness. . . . The novel excels at drawing a vivid picture of Washington City (as it was then known), halfway between its origins as fetid swampland and the bureaucratic metropolis of today. . . . As a character, Abigail Canner is perfectly positioned to provide the reader with access to every social strata. . . . She is a proud, resourceful, intelligent heroine.”
—The Oregonian
 
“Carter’s tale comes to a conclusion as thrilling and untidy as the actual events that unfolded during the turbulent postwar years.”
—Bloomberg.com

“A delightful novel. . . . Carter, [by] making Abigail Canner the protagonist through whose eyes one sees much of the story, shows us life in the nation’s capital, the epicenter of the victorious North, as lived by its black population. That perspective is rich, rare, and almost certainly well-researched. . . . The book kept me up late, reading as fast as I can.”
—Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

“Carter writes a likely and intriguing scenario. . . . His use of rich, authentic dialogue and graphic descriptions of Washington City give authority to his work.”
—Louisville Courier-Journal

“A crackling good read. . . . Carter gives us a gripping portrait of Lincoln. . . . Best of all is the light Carter shines on a slice of Washington life that remains obscure to many Americans to this day: the black middle class of the mid-19th century, represented here in the trim and perspicacious person of the book’s surprising sleuth, Abigail Canner . . . a black Nancy Drew with the weight of history on her shoulders.”
—Chicago Tribune

“A rich blend of murder mystery, legal thriller, courtroom drama, and period piece featuring some of the historical figures of the time. What elevates Impeachment above most alternative history is how Carter charts the cross currents of race, class, and society in the raucous capital.”
—The Miami Herald

“Carter lays out a fascinating What-If plot.”
—St. Louis Post-Dispatch

“Superb. . . . [Carter] teases out the implications of his scenario with a deep knowledge of Lincoln’s time. He tells a page-turning tale of historical espionage. . . . I’m reminded why I read fiction in the first place, and why a new book by Stephen Carter is always to be celebrated.”
—John Wilson, Books & Culture

“Freed Black men, gangs of evil White men, and crafty politicians come alive in this work. Fluidly written, the pages fly by, leaving you with a feeling that this really could have happened.”
—Ebony Magazine

“An engaging historical what-if . . . Provides an intriguing look at race and politics in 19th-century America with relevancies that still echo today.”
—Valdosta Daily Times (Georgia)

“Abigail is a wonderful creation. . . . Carter writes in the naturalistic school of Theodore Dreiser. His strength lies in capturing the subtle nuances of social interaction between blacks and whites.”
—Library Journal

“A smart and engaging what-if that has the virtue of being plausible. . . . Abigail makes for a grandly entertaining sleuth.”
—Kirkus Reviews

“This novel has all the juicy stew of post–Civil War Washington, with the complexities of race, class, and sex mixed in. Carter draws on historical documents and a vivid imagination to render a fascinating mix of murder mystery, political thriller, and courtroom drama. . . . Imaginatively conceived.”
—Booklist (starred review)

About the Author

Stephen L. Carter is the William Nelson Cromwell Professor of Law at Yale University, where he has taught since 1982. He is also the author of seven books of nonfiction.

www.stephencarterbooks.com

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

Prologue
 
April 14 – 16, 1865

TURMOIL

The President was dying.
As the grim news spread through Washington City, angry crowds spilled into the cold, muddy night. Abraham Lincoln had been shot at Ford’s Theatre, on Tenth Street. The wounds were mortal, people were saying. There was no way he could survive. The war was over, the South utterly vanquished, yet somehow its withered hand had reached up into the nation’s capital and extracted this bitter revenge. The crowds became mobs, looking for somebody to hang. Some wanted to burn Ford’s to the ground. Others marched toward Old Capitol Prison, where many leaders of the late rebellion were still being held. Rumors passed from mouth to mouth: The Vice- President had been murdered in his rooms at Kirkwood House. The Secretary of State had been stabbed to death in his mansion on Lafayette Square. Confederate troops were advancing on the city. Or Union troops: nobody seemed to know for sure, and a coup d’état had been rumored for years. Outside Ford’s Theatre, a man in the blood-spattered uniform of an army major and a doctor carrying a candle fought their way into the street. A group bearing Lincoln’s unmoving body followed behind. Mrs. Lincoln, face like chalk, clutched her husband’s stiff hand. People leaned in, trying to see or touch. Men groaned. Women wept. A soldier banged on the door of a row house across the way. They carried the President inside and shut the door. People craned to peer in the windows. Minutes later, Secretary of War Stanton, the most feared man in Washington, arrived in an unguarded carriage and raced inside. Other officials followed. Furious soldiers took up positions on the sidewalk but seemed to have no clear orders. They battered members of the crowd for practice. Other men went in. The people who had been closest to the body passed on the story: the President’s head was a mass of blood.

Meanwhile, the hue and cry had been raised. That actor fellow. Wilkes Booth. He had shot the President and leaped to the stage, then escaped on horseback. Somehow the mob was armed now, looking for someone to whom they might do mayhem. Booth would be best, but any Southern sympathizer or paroled Confederate soldier would do, or, in the absence of so obvious a target, any man dressed in gray, or a Catholic, or a darkie. In the confusion, Stanton took command. He ordered the city sealed. Trains were stopped. Guards allowed no one across the bridges. Telegrams were sent to military commanders in Virginia and Maryland, warning them to watch for men on horses fleeing Washington. On the Potomac River, a steamer was prepared as a floating prison should any of the conspirators be apprehended, the better to protect them from the mob: good order required that they be hanged swiftly by soldiers rather than by citizens.

The Union had been struck a hard blow, and wanted revenge.

From Philadelphia to New York to Chicago, newspapers were out with special late editions, their entire front pages devoted to the shooting. Some headlines pronounced the President already dead. Editors who had been Lincoln’s sworn foes eulogized him as the nation’s savior; others, who had openly despised Mrs. Lincoln, assured the nation that they stood beside the First Lady in her impending widowhood. In the war-ravaged South, where few telegraph lines were intact, the news moved more slowly. Lincoln’s longtime bodyguard, Allan Pinkerton, was in New Orleans, and would not learn of the shooting for several days. In the cities of the North, vengeful citizens marched. Church doors were flung open so that people might pray for the President’s recovery. But the prayers, like the mobs, seemed fruitless. Everybody knew that it was too late. Little squares of black crepe began to appear in windows, signaling a nation already mourning.

That was Friday. By Saturday, however, the rumors began to change. Perhaps all was not lost. The doctors had cleaned the wound repeatedly and removed the clotting blood. And a miracle was occurring. The President’s indomitable will was asserting itself. He was breathing strongly on his own, his eyes were fl uttering open, and the damage to his brain appeared less severe than first thought. The telegraph flashed the news across the country: Lincoln lives! True, Vice-President Andrew Johnson was dead, and the Secretary of State so badly wounded that he might not see another day, but Abraham Lincoln, savior of the nation, seemed to be improving.

He had been shot on Good Friday. On Easter Sunday, he rose.

By the middle of the week, the President was sitting up, meeting with his staff, once again in charge of the affairs of the nation. Across the country, people cheered. Those who felt otherwise kept their disappointment to themselves, content to bide their time.
 
November 19, 1866
 
The night riders were gaining.

Bending low, the black man spurred his tiring horse down the tangled leaf- strewn lane. On either side, fields thick with brightleaf tobacco stretched into the chilly Virginia darkness. Just a few miles ahead loomed the lower slopes of the Shenandoah, with its welcoming forest. If he could only reach the tree belt, he would be safe. A few miles to the north, an entire brigade of Union troops garrisoned the town of Winchester, but with three hooded pursuers only a few hundred yards behind, his chances of reaching either sanctuary were small. He had a pistol in his saddlebag and a knife in his belt, and he knew that if he slowed to draw either, the night riders would have him.

That would be bad.

In a hidden pocket sewn beneath the lining of his right boot was the message. If he was caught and searched, the night riders might find it.

That would be worse.

He rode faster. The autumn drizzle turned to steam on the horse’s burning flanks. He heard a low crackle that might have been distant lightning or a nearby gunshot. He rounded a bend, jumped a fallen tree, nearly spilled on the other side. Very soon his mount would collapse.

Pounding hooves and shouting voices carried across the night air. The riders were close behind. He searched for a turnoff but found none. Had he possessed a sense of irony, he might have considered that not far to the south was Appomattox Court House, where, a year and a half earlier, Lee had surrendered the Army of Virginia, ending the Civil War but setting off the more secretive conflict in which he himself was now playing so carefully scripted a part. But there was no time for such musings. The moon had burst from the clouds, and lighted the path to escape.

Up ahead, the road split into two branches. He took the southmost fork, which led, if he remembered correctly, to a shattered plantation and an old church. His pursuers, he reasoned, would break into two groups to make sure that they did not lose him. He could make his stand in the church, or even the plantation house, if he just got there ahead of them. He was not a great shot, but from hiding he could certainly handle one or two men coming up the road toward—

The sudden hard burning in his leg, followed by the horse’s shriek, told him that bullets were being fired. He heard the fl at clap of the gun as the horse threw him. He hit the frozen earth hard. More shots followed. Just before he passed out, he realized that he had been chased into a trap, forgetting, in his desperation to escape the men behind him, to worry about what might be waiting out front.
 
HE OPENED HIS eyes, and was aware at once that the burning in his leg was worse. He groaned and tried to shift, only to realize that a boot was pressing into the wound. He was propped against a tree, hands bound behind him. Through the haze of pain, he was able to make out a small group of men, all of them hooded. The man with his foot on the wound was thickset, and wore a blue mask. Beside him was a taller and thinner man, head covered by a burlap sack with eyeholes cut into it.

“He’s awake,” said the man in blue.

“Course he is,” said the man in burlap, “seeing as how you’re pretty much breaking his leg.”

The heavy man stooped. He was sodden with sweat. “Whatcha doin out here, boy? There’s a curfew.”

The black man grimaced, and dropped his eyes. “Sorry, suh.”

“Say that again.”

“Sorry, suh.”

The man in the blue mask stood up and walked over to the others. The black man laid his head against the tree, glad to be free of the pain. His eyes were glazed, but his hearing was fine.

“I don’t like how he sounds,” said the man in blue, who seemed to be the leader. “He’s faking. He’s not one of ours. He’s one of them Northern niggers.”

“I’ve seen this boy,” said the man in brown burlap. “He’s a Dempsey boy.”

The leader’s face was invisible inside the blue hood, but, even so, his posture seemed to communicate disappointment. He leaned close to the prisoner. “Is that true, boy? Do you work for Mr. Dempsey?”

“Mrs. Dempsey, suh. Yassuh.”

“Mrs. Claire Dempsey up Warrenton way?”

“Suh, I don’t know a Missus Claire. I works for Missus Henrietta, at Heddon Hills.”

The release of tension was general. Heddon Hills was indeed the Dempsey family plantation: fallen on hard times, to be sure, since the Yankees came through, but still in Dempsey hands. The man in burlap put his hand on the leader’s shoulder. “Satisfied?”

“No.”

“He’s a Dempsey boy, I told you— ”

“Maybe he is, maybe he isn’t,” said the leader. He shook himself free of the other’s grip. “I say he’s educated.”

All five hoods turned his way.

“He’s an educated nigger,” he continued, eyes fairly glowing through the slits. “He’ll ‘Yassuh’ and ‘Nossuh’ till Judgment Day, but behind that black face he’s laughing at us. He’s one of those educated niggers, he’s been to some nigger school somewhere, and now he thinks he’s better than we are.” With a movement of sublime laziness, he tucked the muzzle of his shotgun up against the black man’s chin. “Is that right, boy? You’ve been to some nigger school, haven’t you?”

“Nossuh,” said the prisoner, eyes wide in the smooth brown face.

“You’re a Dempsey boy.”

“Yassuh.”

“Search him.”

Immediately the black man felt his bound hands drawn farther behind him. The pain would have doubled him over but for the shotgun pressing into his neck. One of his captors was going through his pockets, and another through his saddlebags. He heard an exclamation and knew they had found his little supply of greenbacks. Another, and he knew they had found the weapons.

“There’s a letter,” somebody said, and handed it to the thin man who had tried to protect him. He tore open the envelope. “It’s from Mrs. Dempsey all right. It says this here is Royal, and he’s been loyal to her since he was a boy. He never ran off with the Yankees. It says he’s carrying a message down to a Mr. Toombs in Snickers Gap.” He gave the paper to the leader. “That’s Mrs. Dempsey’s signature. She does some of her banking with me.”
The leader sneered. “And now this boy knows who you are.”

Silence.

The gun barrel prodded the black man’s neck. “What’s the message?”

“Suh?”

“What message does Mrs. Dempsey have you sending to Mr. Toombs?”

“Suh, Mrs. Dempsey wants to invite her goddaughter to spend the holidays at Heddon Hills.”

“That’s the whole message?”

“Yassuh.”

“Enough,” said the man in burlap. “This ain’t who we’re looking for. Let him go, Bill.”

The leader turned his way. “And now he knows who I am, too.” He lowered the shotgun and, without warning, pulled the trigger. The black man cried out in agony. Wounded now in both thigh and foot, he collapsed against the tree.

Bill crouched beside the prisoner. “Do you think we’re stupid, boy? You think we’re illiterate crackers? I was with Jubal Early for two years. I was a colonel. My friend Jedediah here—since we’re telling names—was a captain. He was with Whiting at Fort Fisher. Now, let me tell you something.” The gun caressed the wounded man’s thigh. “I know who you are. I know what you’re doing. You are a courier for the Yankee secret service.” The black man was shaking his head frantically. “You are a courier, and you are carrying a secret message. Tell us the truth, and tell us where the message is hidden, or I’ll blow your balls off and let you bleed to death, and meanwhile we’ll find the message anyway.” The man called Jedediah tugged at his arm. The others were already inching toward their mounts. “Come on, Bill. Let’s get out of here.”

“Get him up.”

“What?”

“Get him up. I want him on his horse.”

“Why?”

“Because we’re gonna have us a hanging.”

“But— ”

“He’s a spy, Jedediah. Spies get hanged.”

The man in burlap shook his head. “The war’s over.”

“Not for me.”
 
 THE BODY WAS found two days later by a Union patrol. The night riders had left him in a ditch, after stealing his horse, his weapons, and his money. The soldiers made nothing of it. The night riders were killing colored men all over the South, and there was not much to be done about it. There was no way of investigating, even if anybody had wanted to. Nobody talked to the Yankees.

The soldiers took the corpse up to Winchester and turned it over to the colored Benevolent Association, who would bury the remains somewhere. But before the soldiers surrendered the body, they took the boots, because supplies were still short, and if they didn’t fit you, you could always trade with somebody they did. And the boots were passed a good way down the line before somebody found the false lining, and the wad of paper hidden inside. He thought it was money, but it turned out to be just a list of names. The private told his sergeant, who said the dead man was probably in the black market. The names were his customers.

The sergeant told the private to deliver the paper to the office of the adjutant general, just in case military personnel were involved. The soldier meant to do just that in the morning, but that night he went drinking in town, got into a bar fight, and wound up with his head smashed in. He died the next morning.

The sergeant took his duties seriously. He asked the dead private’s tentmates to go through the man’s things and bring him the letter with the list of names. When they came back an hour later to say they couldn’t find it, the sergeant looked for himself.
The letter was gone.
 
Chapter 1

Clerk

i

THEY WERE HANGING white folks in Louisiana and shooting black folks in Richmond. Union troops had invaded Mexico, Canada, Cuba, and every brothel in the South. Confederate troops were holed up in the Smoky Mountains, waiting for the signal to attack. The casket of the First Lady, who had drowned last year while visiting relations in Illinois, had been exhumed, and found empty. Meanwhile, Abe Lincoln, facing an impeachment trial, was sneaking off to see a medium in New York, and Jefferson Davis, onetime leader of the rebellion and supposedly locked up in Fort Monroe, was actually in Philadelphia, sipping champagne with his rich friends. None of this was true, but all of it was in the newspapers.

It was late winter of 1867, nearly two years after the end of the war, and reporters were inventing rumors almost faster than their editors could print them. The nation, everyone agreed, was a mess. If only it had been old Abe who was shot dead that night instead of Andy Johnson, his Vice-­President. If Johnson were President now—­so moaned the editorial writers—­the nation would be in considerably better shape.

All of which helped explain why Abigail Canner had finally given up on reading the papers. She was smarter than any five reporters put together, and perfectly capable of making up her own stories. But she didn’t want to be a reporter: she had a brother and a distant cousin in that business already. She wanted to be a lawyer. This was impossible, she was told, given her color and her sex. But she was determined to try, unaware of how her ambition would carry her to the center of great events.

The romance, like the violence, came later.

ii

On the first Monday in February, in the Year of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred sixty-­seven—­or, in the larger history, one month exactly before the trial of the sixteenth President of the United States was to begin—­Abigail set out upon her journey. Ignoring her mad brother’s derisive insistence that nothing good would come of the effort, she rode the horse-­drawn streetcars through the filthy snow to prove to the world that she was indeed the woman she claimed. She had her college degree and her letter of employment and the stony conviction, learned from her late mother, that, whatever limitations the society might place on ordinary negroes, they would never apply to her.

Abigail boarded the Seventh Street line, which passed near her home, then changed at Pennsylvania Avenue, choosing the second row to avoid a squabble with the white citizens of Washington City, who seemed to consider the rear of the car their own private preserve, but also to avoid the ignominy that came of riding up front with the driver, where nowadays most men and women of her race tucked themselves without a second thought: a discrimination until recently enshrined in city law. The war was over, the slaves were free, and the government of the United States guaranteed the rights of the colored race, but here in the nation’s triumphant capital, in the midst of the most frigid winter in years, everybody was at pains to establish who was who.

Abigail was a tall young woman, unfashionably slender, with smooth mahogany skin that bespoke more than one dallying slavemaster in her ancestral tree. The hooded coat she wore against the cold was a product of the finest dressmaker in Boston, a gift from her uncle, a physician. The trim was silver fur. The face that peered out suggested a woman who pondered a great deal over the issues of the day, and very deeply, but frowned on most forms of fun. Her gray eyes were sharp and probing; her dimpled chin seemed confident and disapproving. Men tended to find her reasonably pretty, even if not so vivacious as her older sister, Judith, or so innocently beautiful as her younger sister, Louisa. They also tended to find her too distant, too judgmental, too intelligent altogether, for Abigail would always rather read another book than have another dance. Nanny Pork, who ran the Canner household, preached the evils of dancing and carousing and most forms of enjoyment, and although Abigail was not precisely the sort to do what she was told, she regarded Nanny with the sort of awe usually reserved for less visible agents of divinity.

Abigail was twenty-­one years old, and parentless, and black, and expecting, somehow, to affect the course of history.

Maybe even starting today.

The streetcar pulled up at the carriage block on the corner of Fourteenth Street, near the Willard Hotel, where negroes were not welcome except in service. Abigail stepped carefully down onto the broken stone. Neither the driver nor any of the gentlemen passing on the street made any effort to assist her, but, she had not expected them to. The newsboy was the only one who paid her any attention, shouting that Senator Wade was predicting that at least forty of the fifty-­four members of the Senate would vote to remove the President from office, and forty, she knew, was more than enough. The boy thrust a newspaper at her with one hand and held out the other for a coin. Abigail ignored him. She stood in the swirling snow and checked the address she had written in her commonplace book. Actually, she had the address marked down firmly in her memory, but her late mother had always taught her to make assurance double sure. Abigail folded the book into her handbag and walked north. The tiny flakes were like pinpricks on her bright cheeks. She took care not to slip on the ice, but a wall of wind still almost knocked her from the cobbled sidewalk into the frozen mud of Fourteenth Street. As she regained her footing, two white women, heading the other way, began a very loud conversation about how, since the war, half the negroes in town seemed to be drunk from breakfast on.

Abigail ignored them, too.

She found the address at the corner of G Street. A policeman patrolled out front, resplendent and shivering in blue serge and brass buttons. The policeman was an unexpected obstacle, but Abigail chose to deal with him the way her late mother had taught her to deal with most barriers. She walked straight past him, head held high.

He scarcely gave her a glance.

The narrow lobby was dark after the glare of the snow. She took the creaking stairs to the second floor, where the bronze plaque read dennard & mcshane, and knocked on the door. Waiting, she was surprised to find herself nervous. She hated uneasiness as she hated most signs of human weakness, most of all in herself. Fear is a test, her late mother used to say. Fear is how God challenges us.

Accepting the challenge, she knocked again.

The door swung open, and there stood a gangly young man in high-­collared shirt and black necktie. He was missing the jacket that doubtless completed his working attire. Straw-­colored hair was pressed back in fashionable waves against a long, slim head. Even standing still, he displayed an economy of movement that implied a life lived without challenges. He was white, of course, and about her age, and Abigail could tell at once that he was ill at ease around women. Nevertheless, he found an awkward smile somewhere, and glanced, she noted, at her hands. Perhaps he thought she was carrying a delivery.

“May I help you?” the young man said.

“My name is Abigail Canner,” she said. “I have an appointment.” The man said nothing, so she tried again. “About the job.”

“Job?” he repeated doubtfully, as if she were speaking Greek. In his shy earnestness, he gave the impression of a man trying desperately to live up to something terribly difficult.

“The job as a law clerk.” She tilted her head toward the plaque. “For Dennard & McShane.”

“Ah.” Nodding firmly, more sure of his ground. “That would be Mr. Dennard. His clerk left. I’m Hilliman. I’m Mr. McShane’s clerk. The partners are out just now, but if you would leave your employer’s card, one of the messengers will be round to set up an appointment.” When she said nothing, his smile began to fade. He gestured, vaguely. Peering past him, Abigail saw a long, narrow room dominated by a heavy wooden table heaped with papers and books. Shelves lined every wall, and the heavy volumes looked well used. In one corner, numbers were scribbled on a blackboard. In another, an elderly colored man tended a weak coal fire. “I’m afraid we are rather busy right now—­”

“I imagine you are, Mr. Hilliman. Preparing for the impeachment trial.”

“Well, yes.” He looked at her with new respect, or at least growing curiosity, perhaps because she did not speak in the manner of the colored people to whom he was accustomed. Abigail Canner had provoked this reaction in others. She worked at it. “That’s right. The trial. I’m sorry,” he added, although, as yet, he had done nothing to apolo- gize for.
Almost nothing.

“I find it most intriguing,” said Abigail, “that the Congress would attempt such a thing.”

“Yes, well, if you would just—­”

“The committee has proposed four counts of impeachment, has it not? Half relating to the conduct of the war, and half relating to events since the war ended.”

“How do you know that?” His tone suggested that she could not possibly have read a newspaper. He caught her expression, and realized his error. “I mean—­well, that is very impressive.”

“I try to be prepared,” she said, unable to keep the sarcasm from her voice. She had faced silly boys like this at college, too, unable to believe the evidence of their eyes and ears. No colored girl could possibly be their equal. “Do you know yet whether the House will adopt all four counts?”

“There has been no vote as yet—­”

“They will vote in two weeks.” A prim smile. “I am here,” she said, “to help.”

“To help what?”

“Help you, Mr. Hilliman. With the impeachment trial.”

“I beg your pardon.”

“I am the new law clerk.” She drew the letter confirming her employment from her commonplace book. “Mr. Dennard hired me.”

iii

There are in life moments that are irretrievable, and one opportunity fate never grants twice is making a first impression. Jonathan Hilliman, confronted with the least likely of all the possible explanations for this peculiar woman’s presence at Dennard & McShane, spoke out of utter confusion, and therefore from the heart:
“That is not possible,” he said, jaw agape.

Abigail’s eyes went very wide. They were wide enough already, gray and flecked and watchful, eyes that neither overlooked nor forgot. But, as Jonathan would come to learn, when Abigail was angry, those eyes could grow wide enough to swallow a room. Now, as he fumbled for the words to repair his mistake, Abigail, unbidden, stepped past him into the foyer. A long sooty window dominated one wall. Four inner doors were closed, two presumably leading to the partners’ offices. The old colored man got to his feet, bowed, touched his cap.

“My name is Little,” he said, with an affecting grin. He was nearly toothless. “I’se been with the Dennards going on sixty years now.”

“A pleasure to meet you, Mr. Little,” she said, extending a hand.
He hesitated, then shook. “Just Little, miss.”

“I’m sorry?”

“My name is Little, miss. Just Little.”

“Excuse me,” said Mr. Hilliman, having recovered his composure. “Perhaps I could see that letter.”

The black woman smiled blandly, the way Jonathan’s mother smiled at the servants when about to berate them. “Of course, Mr. Hilliman.”

He took the page in his hands and read it slowly, then again, mouthing the words as if reading were new to him. At last he raised his eyes. “You are the new clerk.”

“I believe I told you that.”

“You are Miss Abigail Canner.”

“Yes.”

“I’m sorry.” He glanced around the messy room. It was obvious to them both what he wanted to say and could not. Instead, he retreated into a show of confusion. “I understood that Mr. Dennard was planning to hire a new clerk. I had no idea that he had—­I mean, that he—­that you were—­um, that you were coming today.”

“I understand, Mr. Hilliman,” said Abigail, standing there with bag in hand. There were, as yet, fewer than a dozen lawyers of African descent practicing in American courts. There were no women of any color. The Supreme Court had admitted the first colored attorney to its bar only a year and a half ago, and he had promptly gone into a wasting decline, from which he was not expected to recover. The wags said the Court’s members knew of his illness in advance, and wanted the credit for having admitted him without ever having to allow him to argue before them. “But I assume that there is plenty of work to do.”

“Well, yes—­”

The door burst open, and in swept Arthur McShane, Jonathan’s boss, accompanied by a tough-­looking man Jonathan did not recognize.

“We’re thirteen votes down,” McShane growled, unwrapping himself. He was a diminutive man, small and trim and almost boyish except for the weathered face, all hollows and valleys. He handed his scarf to Little. “Thirteen votes. I don’t believe it. If the vote were held today, it would be fourteen for acquittal, twenty-­seven for conviction. The rest are undecided so far—­”

“That’s still short of two-­thirds,” soothed the stranger. He was paunchy and confident, and sported a magnificent black beard. He had just laid his coat across Little’s waiting arms. “They need two-­thirds.”

McShane ignored him. “One bit of good news”—­eyeing Abigail suddenly, obviously not sure who she might be, but, after a moment’s hesitation, plunging on—­“good news, that is, for our side. They won’t vote on admitting Nebraska to the Union until after the trial. You remember what happened with Nevada last year. The price of statehood was sending two anti-­Lincoln men to the Senate, bound to vote for conviction. Well, that bit of skulduggery embarrassed the Radicals, so they’ve agreed not to admit Nebraska just yet. This is Mr. Baker.”

“Jonathan Hilliman.” He thrust out a hand, which Baker seemed to examine for traps before grabbing. The stranger’s shake was perfunctory, an unappealing duty to be gotten over with. “And this”— Jonathan hesitated; names had never been his forte. “This is, um, Mr. Dennard’s new clerk— ”

“Abigail Canner,” she said, lifting a white- gloved hand. Baker barely bowed his head, but McShane took her fingers as he would do for any lady, and lightly kissed her knuckles.

“Welcome, Miss Canner,” said the lawyer. He smiled. He was shorter than Abigail, and so was smiling up at her. He said, innocently, what Jonathan had been afraid of saying awkwardly. “Dennard did tell me that he had hired a woman. He made no mention of your race. He says that Dr. Charles Finney wrote him on your behalf. Dr. Finney still running things at Oberlin, is he?”

“He is on in years, sir, but in spirit he is strong.”

“I believe Dennard and Finney knew each other in the old days, at the Broadway Tabernacle. Well, never mind. Little, clear a space at the table. Jonathan, I’m afraid there is a bit of a crisis. You will come with me to see the President.”
Abigail said, “What should I— ”

McShane continued to smile. “You should wait here until Mr. Dennard returns.” Jonathan had stepped to the blackboard and was using a cloth to wipe off the numbers inscribed there. He wrote: 14– 27– 11. Abigail realized that he was recording the likely votes in the Senate for acquittal and conviction and those undecided. Now, hearing his employer’s comment, Jonathan turned and was about to speak, but the lawyer silenced him with a look. “Wait. Let me see your
letter.”

She handed it over. The lawyer took it in at a glance. “This says you are a clerk. Not a law clerk.”

“Is there a difference, Mr. McShane?”

His face remained gentle but his voice hardened. “You have never met Dennard, have you?”

“No, sir. Our interview was entirely via correspondence.”

“Did you inform him that you are colored?”

Abigail began to feel as if she had somehow wandered in the wrong door. The way Finney had explained things, it all seemed so simple. “The issue never arose.”

“I suspected as much.” McShane nodded, evidently in confirmation of a private theory. “A law clerk,” he explained, “is a young man who works in an attorney’s offi ce while studying the law, in the hope of being called to the bar. A clerk, on the other hand— not a law clerk, just a plain clerk— is a sort of an assistant. A secretary. To take notes, as it were. Do filing. Make deliveries. Copy out documents. Answer correspondence.” He could not possibly miss the mortification on her face. Yet his smile actually broadened. “You should be proud of yourself, Miss Canner. I do not believe that there are five female clerks in the entire city working for lawyers. And none of them are colored.”

“But it is 1867!”

“Perhaps in 1967 things will be different. What I have told you is the way things are now.”

“Mr. McShane,” she managed, surprised to find herself fighting tears, “I— I want to read law.”
The lawyer was crisp. “That is not the purpose for which you were hired.”

“Yes, but— but surely we could arrange— ”

“You are of course free to discuss the matter with Mr. Dennard when he returns. You seem a fairly intelligent young woman. I am sure you know how to bargain. Perhaps you and Dennard can reach some arrangement.”
The lasciviousness in his voice was impossible to miss; and impossible to prove.

Abigail swallowed. Her brother always said that even the most liberal of white folks gave only when the giving benefitted them. She had lived her young life in the teeth of that dictum, but now, in this room thick with coal smoke, she stood face- to- face with the evidence of its truth. “When will Mr. Dennard be returning?”

“A week from now,” said McShane, with satisfaction. Baker looked on in amusement. “He is in California. Until that time, you will work for me. You may start by helping Little with his chores.” Nodding toward the old man. “Is that clear?”

“But, sir! I am a graduate of Oberlin!”

“I have told you the way things are. If you wish to work for the firm of Dennard & McShane, you will be a clerk and a copyist. You will not train as a lawyer.”

Abigail calculated fast. “Perhaps I can do both— ”

“We will keep you busy, I assure you.”

“I am willing to work as late as necessary.”

McShane was exasperated. “Fine. You want to read law? There are books everywhere.” His hand swept the room.

“Read as many as you like, as long as you do your chores. You can start with Blackstone. Over there— the brown one, see? Commentaries on the Laws of England. Four volumes. Start at page one of volume one, and read all four. When you are through, we can discuss your further ambitions.”

Jonathan had found his voice. “Sir, that is nearly three thousand pages.”

“So what? The young lady is a graduate of Oberlin. Presumably, she can read. Little, show her where to sit.”
Abigail made one fi nal try, even though her voice wavered in a way that she hated. “Sir, if I am to work as a— a secretary— well, then, perhaps I should come to the White House with you. To—to take notes.”

McShane was aghast. “Under no circumstances. You are Dennard’s clerk, not mine. You will not be working on the impeachment at all.” He nodded toward her hand, where she still clutched her commonplace book. “I see you have a diary. So have I. So has Mr. Hilliman. Every lawyer keeps one. But I doubt you shall be needing yours. Little, I told you to show her where to sit. Hilliman, come.”

“What about Mr. Baker?” the young man asked.

“He can talk to Miss Canner.”

They were out the door.

As they descended the stair, McShane shook his head. “Unbelievable,” he muttered. “The man is unbelievable. Hiring that woman without telling me. I am going to strangle him.”

Jonathan said nothing, and was annoyed with himself for this failure; but a part of him was also amused, because Dennard, although on in years, was a heavy, powerful man, and McShane’s tiny hands could not possibly have reached around his neck.

They exited onto Fourteenth Street, and the lawyer let out a purr of pleasure at the sight of his waiting horses. McShane could have had a driver but preferred to hold the reins of his own carriage, a very beautiful rig of dark polished wood with gleaming brass highlights. They climbed up for the short ride to the Executive Mansion, and a porter borrowed from the Willard handed the lawyer the reins.

Jonathan said, suddenly, “Why did we leave Mr. Baker behind?”

McShane called to the horses and gently rippled the reins. They moved off. “In case she is a spy,” he said.

“I beg your pardon.”

“The letter from Dennard might be a forgery. A colored woman. We would never suspect her. Mr. Lincoln’s opponents will stop at nothing.”

Jonathan could not quite get his mind around such nonsense. The pending impeachment trial, as he had recently written to his fiancée, Meg, seemed to have driven every man in Washington City mad.

And McShane was not done. “We have received information that a partial record of our deliberations— our strategy, if you will, for the trial— has made its way into unfriendly hands.”

Jonathan forgot all about Meg. “Do you mean— you mean the Radicals?”

“Exactly. The Radical Republicans, and some of their associates, seem to have obtained notes of some of our confidential discussions.”

The hollowed eyes were grave. “That is why Mr. Baker is here.”

“And exactly how will Mr. Baker know whether Miss Canner is a spy?”

“You didn’t recognize him, did you, Hilliman? That was Lafayette Baker, formerly General Lafayette Baker. The chief of the Union Intelligence Services and the federal police. The man who caught Booth, and saw to it that he did not survive for trial.” A curt nod. “He’ll get the truth out of her.”

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62 of 68 people found the following review helpful.
A well-written return by Stephen Carter.
By Jill Meyer
Stephen L Carter is a professor of law at Yale University and the author of five novels and many works of non-fiction. His first three novels were set in the black communities of New York City, New Haven, and Martha's Vinyard, among other places. His characters were members of that little-written about community, the "Talented Tenth", or the black upper class. Stephen Carter is a wonderful writer when writing on the history, community, and social lives of the "Talented Tenth". His fourth book, "Jericho's Fall", which was published in 2009 was a disappointment; it was a conventional spy thriller set in - Colorado. I read it, reviewed it, and gave it four stars. I wrote that Carter, after having written three marvelous novels, had returned with a middling story that took little advantage of what he, among few writers, really knew and could write well about. Well,the "old" Stephen L Carter has returned to us with his new novel, "The Impeachment of Abraham Lincoln".

"Impeachment" takes an alternative history view of Abraham Lincoln's last years in office. Carter begins his book with Lincoln surviving the assassination attempt at Ford's Theater. John Wilkes Booth and his co-conspirators are hunted down and most were killed before they could talk. Lincoln continues as president, though in Carter's story, VP Andrew Johnson is killed and William Seward is so badly injured that he never leaves his home. Lincoln, therefore, carries on with the Reconstruction of the South. He wants to be relatively gentle on the returning Confederates and not impose the harsh citizenship and economic penalties that were actually meted out under Andrew Johnson. But Abraham Lincoln has as many enemies post war as he had during the war and opponents get together to bring a bill of impeachment against Lincoln. The president was impeached by the US House of Representatives and the trial will be heard and judged by the US Senate.

Lincoln has hired the law firm of Dennard & McShane to defend him in front of the Senate. He doesn't appear at his own trial, but works with the lawyers who are defending him. One of the newly hired law clerks at the firm is 21 year old, Abigail Canner. Recently graduated from Oberlin College, she turns up at the firm with a letter from partner Dennard, promising her a place as a law clerk, on the recommendation of an Oberlin professor. But not only is Abigail Canner a woman, she is also black - a member of what Carter always refers to as "the darker nation". (Carter uses this term in his first three novels, too.) Abigail works her way onto the team defending the president, but is often on the outside looking in at the actual day-by-day work. So she begins working on her own, trying to piece together the importance of some murders, some spy reports, and other out-of-place happenings in "Washington City" that are connected with the on-going impeachment trial. She is also attracted to a fellow law-clerk, the wealthy, white Jonathan Hilliman.

Abigail Canner is the daughter of the middle-class black community of Washington DC. She's been well-educated and is a beauty. She wants to be a lawyer and, by god, she will be. Her determination to get ahead is part of her charm to the many - both black and white - who meet her. And Abigail is only one of Carter's many well-drawn characters in his book. There are no caricatures, and the plot is well-paced. Heavy on law, Carter does a good job, a really good job, at explaining the law to the reader.

But the important thing about Stephen Carter's new novel is that he's back to his original form. For the Carter fans, a long wait is over. "The Impeachment of Abraham Lincoln" is another well-written novel.

36 of 40 people found the following review helpful.
A sprawling novel that tries to cover too many bases
By rgregg
Stephen Carter is a prolific writer who is known for his complex and detailed fiction such as "The Emperor of Ocean Park".
In "the Impeachment of Abraham Lincoln", he has taken on the task of writing a "what if" historical story with an intriguing premise.
What if Lincoln survived the attempt on his life by John Wilkes Booth? Carter has taken Lincoln to 1867 where he finds himself facing impeachment in the Senate for some of his actions after the Civil War in order to do what he felt was needed to stabilize the country.
The fascinating main character in this book is not Lincoln but a young black woman named Abigail Canner. She is a recent college graduate who is taking on a job as a law clerk at the law office of the firm who is responsible for defending the President.
Canner makes for a solid lead in this book as her feisty attitude, knowledge of the law, and determination to succeed is vital to the role she is about to play at the law firm. Her skin color is a key attribute in the novel and it both helps her and hurts her in various ways in post Civil War USA.
This is not simply a story of the impeachment trial. It covers many bases. Carter throws in a murder mystery, an examination of the social mores existing in Washington after the war, conspiracy theories, race relations, and political divides.
When one member of the defense team is found dead along with a supposed prostitute, Canner refuses to accept both the conclusions of the police and the relationship between the two murder victims. Her investigation into that issue is an interesting part of the book.
Canner finds herself torn between advancing her career, romantic sparks between herself and another member of the law firm and the prejudices of members of her own family and others.
This book is well over 500 pages and covers an enormous amount of ground in getting to and through the actual trial of the President.
The story had a few problems for me. Carter is a law professor and uses that knowledge along with his obvious awareness of history to put together a big piece of fiction. And the law as applied both in the late 19th Century as well as the complications of an impeachment trial are a bit too much for the average reader to absorb.
As the story is a fictional description of the era, he uses both real and fictional characters to tell his story. If any book required a list of characters at the beginning, this is one. The law firm itself is full to the brim with key players. The many members of high society who are vital to the story are too numerous to mention. Canner's own family and friends who have critical roles to the outcome (no spoiler here) are many.
You throw in Lincoln's cabinet, his own advisers, the complete array of Senators and you have nearly 100 key people. There are many other characters who play a role in either defending Lincoln's decisions or seem to be conspiring against him for his actions. Many times I would have liked to refer to a list in order to remind me who's who.
Carter also portrays Lincoln as someone who likes to tell rambling stories to others and there are a few too many of those rambles for me.
So this combination history story, trial novel, mystery tale, defining of race after the Civil War, family story, society examination and political piece fails to come together completely for me. Not because the concept is bad or many of the people in the story aren't fascinating. Simply because Carter tries to pack too much story into too many pages. If he had cut back a little on the trial detail or the views of so many privileged people in the District of Columbia, he might have been able to focus in on fewer elements and kept me more involved in the book. The best part of this book for me was the logic behind Lincoln's decision process and the evolution of race relationships post Civil War.
And I do compliment Carter on an amazing final twist that he throws in for the reader near the end of this epic.
Others may feel that the elements mentioned are truly the base of his novel. And I wouldn't fault anyone for feeling that way but it just didn't come together for me. As much as I wanted to love this book, I left with a lot of like and a bit of disappointment at what might have been. A "what if" for me!

20 of 22 people found the following review helpful.
A fascinating alternate history. Carter is at the top of his game
By "switterbug" Betsey Van Horn
What if the president survived the assassination attempt, only to face an impeachment trial two years later? That's the premise of this stout, absorbing tale. But Carter, with an almost mesmerizing touch, weaves more than a "what if" story here. What most engaged me is the way that Carter liberated himself from any stilted, biased or passive political ranting of his own. Instead of telegraphing his views into the characters, he allowed history to inform us, while never forgetting to hook us with an invented story within the framework of an intense and complex time in history.

In 1867, the war has been over for two years. Andrew Johnson, not Abe Lincoln, was shot and killed by Booth. And Secretary of State William Seward has been so wounded that he doesn't leave his house anymore. And the president's wife has died a year ago from a mysterious accident. This is the alternate history that Carter has meticulously woven together. Lincoln faces an impeachment trial from Congress on four counts due to his policies (or lack thereof) and intercessions (or lack thereof) during Reconstruction: 1) suspension of habeas corpus, 2) seizing of telegrams and shuttering a handful of newspapers 3) not sufficiently protecting the freedmen in the southern states 4) conspiring with the military officers to overthrow the constitutional forms of government.

This finely nuanced and well-paced novel is packed with fully realized characters and situations. Of course, with a cast this extensive, and numerous plots within plots, some characters are there to lend background and color, or to promote a larger connection. There are plots and subplots, romance, adventure, conspiracies, and even murder. How Carter tightly brings it all together in this capacious novel is superbly tight, with room for ambiguity, and he always remains a step ahead of the reader. Half of the fun was trying to catch up and tease out the disclosures before he did!

Abigail Canner is a twenty-one-year-old black graduate from Oberlin who lives with her aunt, a freed slave named Nanny Pork, in Washington City. She aspires to become a lawyer, and shrewdly procures a job as a clerk in the law office that represents Lincoln. It is a win-win, too, because the personnel know it looks good to practice what they preach. All too often, it is known that "like so many people of liberal persuasion, they value their own progressive opinions more than they value the people they hold those opinions about."

Abigail is the polestar of this book, and Carter has drawn her with an able and agile hand. Whatever a reader might fear could occur with a character like Abigail--such as too much PC, or implausibly heroic--those fears will be allayed by the subtle sharpness of Miss Canner. Yes, there's romance in the air, and it doesn't take the reader long to foresee its possibility, but Carter wins you over with his credible storyline and keen restraint. And, not all is as doubtless (or doubtful!) as it may initially seem.

The book was like a web, or a circle with vectors projecting in every direction. As the author demonstrates, there are no easy answers, and often, both sides imbibe elements of hypocrisy and criminal behaviors, as well as righteousness and nobility. At this time, during the impeachment proceedings, Lincoln states that he would be ready to step down, but doesn't feel that his work is finished until he brings the Union together. The radical Republicans--who are men of his own party who could be seen, on the one hand, as fanatical, or on the other, as dedicated and true--want to oust him now.

I was concerned that the story would be clumsy, with a ham-handed Lincoln and a heavy-handed story. It has to be difficult to portray an icon known as "Honest Abe," two years beyond his actual survival time, a president most known for freeing the slaves. But this isn't just the Lincoln we learned about in our history textbooks in high school. Here we have a troubled, complicated man, always at the ready with an amusing anecdote, a sometimes dour but witty and enigmatic presence. And a flawed human being who nevertheless understands the times he is facing.

There is nothing black and white in this racially charged novel of American history. Besides the conflict of race, there are the businessmen with greedy propositions about tariffs; egos; political ambitions; social issues of women and class; and more.

"The cost of war," says Lincoln in 1867, " is impossible to estimate in advance...wars continue long after one side surrenders. Every conflict plagues the peace that follows it."

"There is a tradition," says retired Union General Dan Sickles, one of Lincoln's staunchest supporters, "that once a great war has been won, the leader must at once be deposed. The Romans used to do it. The British, too."

In the Author's Note, a must-read at the end of the book, Carter provides important information regarding his source material, and a fascinating peek at how he braided fact and fiction together. Like his first novel, THE EMPEROR OF OCEAN PARK, he slyly evinces the skullduggery in the chess games of politics, as well as the toll of personal loss to the cause and commitment of justice. Moreover, he doesn't forget that his story is, principally, to entertain, and seduce his readers into believers. He makes the most of his characters and their individual and shared passions, and renders a deeply felt and plausible history, back to the future.

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Federal management of water is undergoing a change that involves a drastic reduction in the number of new water projects and an increase in emphasis on the quality of water management. This book summarizes and analyzes environmental research conducted in the lower Colorado River below the Glen Canyon Dam under the leadership of the Bureau of Reclamation. It reviews alternative dam operations to mitigate impacts in the lower Colorado riverine environment and the strengths and weaknesses of large federal agencies dealing with broad environmental issues and hydropower production. While many problems remain to be solved, the Bureau of Reclamation through the Glen Canyon area. The lessons of GCES are transferable to other locations and could be the basis for a new era in the management of western waters.

  • Sales Rank: #6229610 in Books
  • Published on: 1996-02-29
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.03" h x .65" w x 5.98" l, .86 pounds
  • Binding: Paperback
  • 244 pages

About the Author
Committee to Review the Glen Canyon Environmental Studies, National Research Council

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China 1945: Mao's Revolution and America's Fateful Choice, by Richard Bernstein

A riveting account of the watershed moment in America’s dealings with China that forever altered the course of East-West relations

As 1945 opened, America was on surprisingly congenial terms with China’s Communist rebels—their soldiers treated their American counterparts as heroes, rescuing airmen shot down over enemy territory. Chinese leaders talked of a future in which American money and technology would help lift China out of poverty. Mao Zedong himself held friendly meetings with U.S. emissaries, vowing to them his intention of establishing an American-style democracy in China.

By year’s end, however, cordiality had been replaced by chilly hostility and distrust. Chinese Communist soldiers were setting ambushes for American marines in north China; Communist newspapers were portraying the United States as an implacable imperialist enemy; civil war in China was erupting. The pattern was set for a quarter century of almost total Sino-American mistrust, with the devastating wars in Korea and Vietnam among the consequences.

Richard Bernstein here tells the incredible story of that year’s sea change, brilliantly analyzing its many components, from ferocious infighting among U.S. diplomats, military leaders, and opinion makers to the complex relations between Mao and his patron, Stalin.

On the American side, we meet experienced “China hands” John Paton Davies and John Stewart Service, whose efforts at negotiation made them prey to accusations of Communist sympathy; FDR’s special ambassador Patrick J. Hurley, a decorated general and self-proclaimed cowboy; and Time journalist, Henry Luce, whose editorials helped turn the tide of American public opinion. On the Chinese side, Bernstein reveals the ascendant Mao and his intractable counterpart, Nationalist leader Chiang Kai-shek; and the indispensable Zhou Enlai.
           
A tour de force of narrative history, China 1945 examines the first episode in which American power and good intentions came face-to-face with a powerful Asian revolutionary movement, and challenges familiar assumptions about the origins of modern Sino-American relations. 

  • Sales Rank: #569489 in Books
  • Published on: 2014-11-04
  • Released on: 2014-11-04
  • Format: Deckle Edge
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.49" h x 1.61" w x 6.60" l, 1.95 pounds
  • Binding: Hardcover
  • 464 pages

Review
“If you read only one book on this crucial period, Mr. Bernstein’s work should be it.” 
—The Washington Times

“Excellent….Bernstein…covers China’s political context in 1945 like a scholar, but maintains his journalist’s eye for human drama.”
—The New York Times Book Review

“Elegant and compelling….This thoughtful book moves decisively beyond sterile old debates to demonstrate that in the end, China’s fate in 1945 was for the Chinese people, and not Americans, to decide.”
—Foreign Affairs

“Skillfully crafted…Mr. Bernstein provides a rich account of just how far the Communist leaders went in wooing, and misleading, the Americans….This attention to the Chinese point of view sets Mr. Bernstein’s book apart from its most celebrated precursor, Barbara W. Tuchman’s 1971Stilwell and the American Experience in China, 1911-1945.”
—The Wall Street Journal

“Excellent….An important book.”
—The Washington Post

“Authoritative and engaging.”
—NPR

“Extensively researched….[Bernstein’s] findings about the limits of US influence in China are relevant to more recent American interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan.”
—The Christian Science Monitor

“A fascinating, sometimes harrowing account of an uncertain period…pointedly relevant to today’s global dilemmas as well.”
—Richmond Times-Dispatch

“A rich, compelling book told with subtlety and grace. For those interested in understanding how China went Communist in the middle of the 20th century, it is well worth the read.”
—David Sibley, Military History Quarterly

“Stimulating….A timely analysis that sheds light on the realities of American engagement in Asia.”
—Publishers Weekly

“Thoroughly researched and well-argued…highly recommended.”
—Library Journal

“Immensely readable….A nuanced hindsight assessment that expertly pursues the historical ramification of roads not taken.”
—Kirkus

“Cogent and engaging.”
—Booklist

“The current rivalry between the United States and China for the dominant role in East Asia is rooted in a complicated history dating back to 1945. Richard Bernstein’s compelling and moving examination of U.S.-China relations during and immediately after World War II sparkles with fresh insights into the tragic events and colorful personalities of that era. A model of historical writing for non-specialist readers, its only fault is that once begun it is almost impossible to put down.”
 
—Steven I. Levine, co-author of Mao: The Real Story

“The dramatic events of 1945 continue to shape American relations with China. Mao, Zhou Enlai, Stilwell, General George Marshall—these and other giant personalities come to life in these pages, as we relive the fateful choices events forced on them in a year of nonstop crises. The book offers a thoughtful examination of the roots of authoritarianism in China, the sources of Chinese-American mistrust, and the intractability of history.”
 
—Andrew J. Nathan, co-author of The Tiananmen Papers

“Richard Bernstein’s China 1945 is the rare book that under-promises on its title. The author goes far beyond delivering up that pivotal year, providing instead a learned and compelling narrative of the characters and forces that drove China and the United States apart and created today’s world.”

—Howard French, author of China’s Second Continent

“At the beginning of 1945, America had the chance to forge a good relationship with Mao and his Chinese communist rebels. Richard Bernstein’s fascinating and important tale of what happened provides crucial lessons about creative diplomacy that are still very relevant, both in dealing with China and around the world.”

—Walter Isaacson, author of Steve Jobs

“Extensively researched, elegantly written, and provocatively argued, China 1945 reexamines a fateful period when Roosevelt’s wrong decisions combined with Stalin’s geostrategic ambitions and Mao’s ideological inclinations to seal the fate of the Cold War in Asia for a quarter century—with enduring consequences for Sino-American antagonisms to this day. An illuminating and sobering study well worth reading by all American policymakers and China watchers.”

—David Shambaugh, George Washington University & The Brookings Institution 

“At a time when the United States and China are groping for a 'new model' of great power relations, Richard Bernstein’s stimulating and informative book casts essential light on the era that led to today’s challenge. China 1945 makes us more aware than ever of the hideous complexities of American involvement in East Asia, the importance of history and the limited perspectives of those who make fateful choices.”

—Jerome A. Cohen, co-director, NYU’s US-Asia Law Institute; adjunct senior fellow for Asia, Council on Foreign Relations

“In this thoroughly researched and lucidly written book, Richard Bernstein describes a watershed moment of historical change: 1945, a year when the kaleidoscopic pattern of Chinese politics and that volatile country’s relationship with the U.S. and the world irrevocably changed. China 1945 is an enormously engaging narrative filled with a cast of colorful actors who set the terms of the game for the next half century.”
—Orville Schell, director, Center on U.S.-China Relations at the Asia Society

About the Author
Richard Bernstein has been a reporter, culture critic, and commentator for more than thirty years. He was a foreign correspondent in Asia and Europe for Time magazine and The New York Times, and was the first Beijing bureau chief for Time. He is the author of many books on Chinese and Asian themes, among them The Coming Conflict with China and Ultimate Journey, the latter of which was a New York Times Best Book of the Year. He is also the author of Out of the Blue: A Narrative of September 11, 2001, which was named by The Boston Globe as one of the seven best books of 2002. He lives in New York.
 
richardbernstein.net

@R_Bernstein

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
As part of the Sino-Soviet agreement, a negotiating committee, set up ostensibly to supervise the transfer of control from the Soviet Union to China, was already in place in the city of Changchun in south central Manchuria, which was where Marshal Malinovsky had his headquar­ters. Malinovsky, the hard, seasoned, highly decorated, utterly reliable Communist officer, the man in whom there was “not a drop of gentle­ness,” was from an impoverished family in Ukraine. He had escaped a nasty childhood by joining the pre-Soviet Russian army when he was fifteen years old, and he had been fighting ever since, participating in just about every Russian and Soviet armed conflict occurring during his lifetime. He was wounded twice during World War I. He fought on the Soviet side in the civil war that followed the revolution of 1917. He was a volunteer during the Spanish Civil War, and when he returned home he was awarded the Order of Lenin in recognition of his bravery. After the German attack in 1941, he became one of the heroes of the bloody, do-or-die defense of Stalingrad where, for the first time in World War II, the tide turned in favor of the Russians, and he got the Order of Suvorov for outstanding generalship, the highest decoration in the Soviet army.

Later, Malinovsky was the victor in the battles for Budapest, Brno, and Bratislava as the Russian armies ground down German divisions in the march to Berlin. At the end of the war in Europe, he was transferred to Asia, and he commanded the Soviet rout of the Japanese in Manchu­ria. Years later, he was minister of defense of the Soviet Union; in 1960 he was pictured on the cover of Time magazine under the headline “Russia’s New Hard Line.” He was “hulking” and “impassive,” the mag­azine said; he was “a true son of the socialist motherland,” according to the Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev. He was short and heavy-set with a kind of bulldog determination imprinted on his unsmiling face, not a man to be intimidated or to be afflicted by the sentiment known in the Communist lexicon as bourgeois humanitarianism. He was also, as the Chinese delegation soon discovered, a master of a kind of bureaucratic obstructionism, of the fake excuse.

The Chinese team, led by General Hsiung Shih-hui, arrived in Changchun on August 12. They soon had occasion to count the many ways by which the Russians could hinder them in achieving their purpose, which was to replace the Soviets with soldiers and officials of the central government. There were petty obstructions. The Chinese learned, for example, that the Soviets had ordered a suspension in the Bank of China’s activities in Manchuria, so the negotiating team had difficulty paying its expenses. At one point, complaining of some press coverage of Soviet domestic politics, the Russians actually searched the KMT offices in Changchun, summoned the entire staff for interrogation, accused them of distributing propaganda without first getting permission from the Soviet high command, held them overnight, and then ordered them to cease all their activities, including the sending of teams to investigate conditions in various places in Manchuria. For weeks, the Soviets complained about what they called “anti-Soviet activities” in Manchuria, and they held the KMT’s representatives responsible. The Soviets even refused to allow the Chinese to send representatives to Jehol, the region just west of Manchuria, to buy leather for uniforms, saying that the route to Jehol was “disorderly.”

One member of the team, an American-educated economist named Chang Kiangau, noted on arriving at the Changchun airport that it was “filled with Soviet officers and soldiers,” and that there were very few Chinese around. “Then we found that we cannot use the national currency,” he wrote in his diary. “On the same day I received a report saying the Soviet Army was plundering industrial equipment”—power generators, furnaces, broadcasting equipment, automobiles, even office furniture. When the Chinese asked when they could install their own administrations in various places, Malinovsky replied that he needed to get instructions from his superiors. When asked if he could provide transportation for the Chinese delegates, Malinovsky said there were no vehicles, ships, or planes available, though, he added, “this issue can be negotiated between the two governments on the basis of the Sino-Soviet treaty.” Would the Soviets allow the Chinese to take over the printing bureau of the former puppet regime? Malinowsky needed to seek instructions from his superiors on that too.

Not surprisingly, the initial meetings with the Soviet commander led Chang to the impression that “the Soviets have no intention of actively supporting the transportation of our troops into the northeast,” though Soviet obstructionism was always veiled behind a phony offer of some other way to help. Malinovsky urged the Chinese to use the railroads to move their men into position, but the Chinese knew, and surely Malinovsky knew, that Communist troops in Shanhaiguan had cut the railroad lines between Manchuria and China proper.

As October wore on, the fullness of Soviet control of Manchuria became clearer and clearer, the obstructionism less petty. An aide to Malinovky identified by Chang as Major General Pavlovsky, formally notified the Chinese that they considered all the former Japanese industrial equipment in Manchuria to be war booty that belonged to the Soviet Union. The Chinese protested. The Soviets compromised, saying that Japanese state-owned industry would be war booty. Private Japanese property, of which there was much less, could go to China. The Soviets had 1.5 million troops on the ground. There was nothing China could do to resist.

It’s easy to imagine the disadvantage of the Chinese in what was supposed to be collaboration but was really a dictation of terms. Here was Malinovsky, representing the triumphant army of the second most powerful country on earth, facing off against the representative of a weak, devastated, and divided country armed with nothing much more than the declared friendship of a faraway superpower. On the most urgent matter of the ostensible return of Manchuria to Chinese government control, General Hsiung informed Malinovsky that China intended to transport troops from Hong Kong on American vessels and land them at the port of Dalian. Malinovsky’s reply was that the Sino-Soviet treaty had declared Dalian to be an open city devoted only to commercial purposes, and therefore it would be a violation of the treaty to allow Chinese troops to land there. In other words the Soviets, having, in that very treaty, recognized China’s central government as the country’s sole legitimate authority, to which they were obliged to give moral and material support, were now telling that same government that it was barred from dispatching its own armed forces to portions of its own territory.

Astonished at the bluntness and audacity of Soviet obstructionism, Chang Kia-ngau wrote to Chiang Kai-shek warning him that the Soviet intention was to create a “special regime” in the north wherein the northeast provinces of China would be “completely surrounded.” “I’m afraid even the Manchurian coastline is in danger of being blockaded,” Chang said, and when that happened, “the northeast is bound to become a sitting duck for the Soviet Union.”

Malinovky, always ready with some reasonable alternative solution, assured the Chinese and their American escorts that, while Dalian, which was Manchuria’s biggest and best deep-water port, was closed to them, they could land troops farther north at the smaller ports of Huludao and Yingkou, and the Americans, not wanting a fight, agreed to that. But when the small armada of American ships arrived at Huludao, they found that Chinese Communist troops were in control of the port and were vowing to fight if the government forces tried to land there.

It was an extraordinary scene. As at Chefoo earlier, Rear Admiral Daniel E. Barbey was in command of the American ships, charged with helping the government retake control of its territory. Barbey had ample forces with him to deal with the Communists if it came to a fight, but he had been instructed to avoid conflict. Given the circumstances, he told the Chinese Nationalists to negotiate the matter with the Russians. General Hsiung duly brought up the landing at Huludao with Malinovsky, pointing out that the Soviet commander had assured him of a safe disembarkation there. Malinovsky had given a window between November 5 and 10 for the landing. The American task force arrived on the 7th. Malinovsky replied that the Communist troops had not come through territory under Soviet control but from the south, so what could he do? The ever-eager-to-help Malinovsky suggested that Hsiung talk things over with the Eighth Route Army, which Hsiung naturally said he could not do, knowing that the Communists were not going to politely give up Huludao and allow government troops to land there just because he asked them to. When Hsiung inquired of Malinovsky what the Russians would do if there was a clash between the Communists and the government troops, the Soviet commander’s reply was that he would desist from interfering in China’s internal affairs.

The task force, still under Barbey, proceeded to Yingkou, the last alternative Manchurian port where the government troops could be landed. There, the Communist-appointed mayor of the town was on the dock shouting to the Americans at the railings of their ships that the Communists would resist any effort by the government to land its forces. Barbey, following orders not to interfere in China’s internal affairs, ordered the ships back to sea. The landing of the government forces would take place well to the south at the port of Qinwangdao, and, indeed, after sailing the Bohai for days with no result, the American task force deposited its consignment of troops there in mid-November.

By now, Chiang Kai-shek’s son, Chiang Ching-kuo, who spoke fluent Russian, had joined the Chinese negotiating team at Changchun. On November 4, the younger Chiang went to see Malinovsky and complained to him that Communist troops had prevented the expected landing of government forces at Yingkou. Malinovsky’s reply was that Soviet troops were few in number in Yingkou, so resistance to the Communist troop movements was impossible. “It is very clear,” Chang Kia-ngau noted in his diary, “that the Soviets deliberately are allowing Eighth Route Army men into Huludao and Yingkou to obstruct the efforts of government troops to land there.”

Chang Kia-ngau was beginning to understand the reasons for Soviet obstructionism: the friendly wartime relations between the United States and the Soviet Union were turning sour in the postwar period. Many times, speaking in a “stern” tone, Malinovsky protested to the Chinese that the Americans had sent a warship to Dalian. Chang understood that the Russians wanted to exclude any and all American forces from Manchuria, and this put China in a bind. In the background to this were American actions to exclude the Soviets from playing a role in the occupation of Japan, which Moscow was demanding as a reward for the five days its troops had participated in the war. Soviet propaganda trumpeted the theory already advanced by Mao that it had been the Russian invasion of Manchuria, rather than the succession of American victories in the Pacific and the use of the atomic bomb, that had turned the tide in the Asian war. This was the justification advanced by the Russians as they systematically stripped Manchuria of Japanese-built industry. Possession of the Japanese-built factories was just compensation for the losses the Soviets had suffered in the war. The message was clear: If the United States insisted on monopolizing postwar Japan, the Soviets would do the same in northeast Asia.

And so the charade continued. Malinovsky’s next helpful suggestion was for the central government to airlift troops into the cities of Mukden and Changchun, and dilatory negotiations proceeded in November on the execution of this plan. But by this time, Chiang Kai-shek was growing pessimistic about the whole Manchurian matter, uncertain that he could prevail if he forced the issue and worried that any steps toward civil war would incur the anger of the population. This was easy to understand. China’s revitalized press was full of ardent expressions of hope for civil war to be avoided. At the end of October, ten liberal professors in Kunming, still the location of several of the universities displaced during the war, sent an open letter to Mao and Chiang urging the end of China’s “one-party dictatorship” and the convocation of a political council composed of representatives of all parties and factions. Noting the growth of this sentiment, the American embassy cautioned that “these professors are distressed at what they described as the ‘new American policy toward China.’ They’re at a loss to understand the ‘all-out support’ given to the Central Government by the U.S., which they believe merely increases the determination of Gen Chiang Kai-shek not to establish a genuine coalition government in China and not to surrender any real power now held by the KMT.”

The Communists, cleverly aligning themselves with this growing trend in public opinion, were making the same complaint about the KMT’s one-party dictatorship and the same demand for a coalition government. In fact, Chiang Kai-shek had announced plans to hold a political consultative conference in Chungking in November, a gathering of all the political factions in China that would decide on the means for later elections to a national assembly. Chiang seemed in this to be responding to the clamor among the intelligentsia and to pressure from the United States to move toward democracy, and, indeed, he had taken some steps in that direction. In the spring, even as the CCP was holding its ceremonial glorification of Mao at its Seventh Congress, Chiang presided over the Sixth Kuomintang Conference, the first since 1938. Among its resolutions was one calling for a general national conference for later in the year that would make arrangements for a multiparty election for a new national assembly. Chiang also ended the system of stationing political commissars with every major army unit, a move, urged on him by his American advisers, that aimed at moving away from party control of the armed forces—a move that the Communists have not made to this day. When the war ended, Chiang also took steps toward political reform, notably ending press censorship and releasing political prisoners. Was this pure window-dressing, as the Communists and many later historians have assumed? The Chinese government under Chiang was still a one-party dictatorship, but public criticism was taking place and being tolerated; there was ferment in the air. The announcement of a political consultative conference was an element of this ferment, and at the end of the talks in Chungking, Mao agreed to it in principle, though, as we will see, the Communists never really gave it much of a chance in practice.

Mao’s own sincerity is deeply questionable. In Yenan after his negotiation with Chiang ended, Mao oversaw the CCP’s propaganda, which advertised the CCP as the party of peace, and he continued to move his troops as fast as possible into Manchuria. The Eighth Route Army had blocked all the ports except for Qinwangdao. In mid-November, Lin Biao occupied Changchun, one of the cities that the Soviets had designated as an airlift destination for government forces. The Soviets, always eager, they said, not to interfere in China’s internal affairs, did nothing to stop this from happening. Chiang Kai-shek was reduced to hoping that if he could maintain good relations with the Russians, proving to them that he would cause them no trouble in Manchuria, they could still be persuaded not to help the Communists. And so the plans for an airlift were dropped.

Most helpful customer reviews

38 of 40 people found the following review helpful.
The story of how everyone was wrong about China, but how some were more wrong than others
By Chefdevergue
When I was in college in the early 1980's, the prevailing wisdom was that, had the USA been more accommodating to Mao and the Chinese Communists & not thrown their support behind Chiang Kai-Shek, a lot of the unpleasantness of the 1950's and the 1960's could have been avoided. This view of history replaced the earlier view which held that traitorous elements within the US State Department deliberately laid the foundation for Mao's success, thus resulting in the USA "losing" China.

Bernstein, the student of one the "China Hands," John King Fairbank, could very easily be expected to take up the defense of the diplomats whose careers were destroyed in the fall-out. In fact, he does point out that the experts like John Paton Davies and Jack Service accurately predicted Mao's triumph, and he spends a lot of time excoriating Patrick Hurley (accurately depicting him as a man fantastically unqualified for the job, and perpetually clueless). However, Bernstein also points out that the China Hands, as well as a number of sympathetic journalists, were naïve and spectacularly wide of the mark when it came to assessing Mao's true commitment to Communism and his allegiance to Stalin.

Bernstein is also much more sympathetic towards Chiang than I would have expected. He observes that Chiang was not given nearly the credit he deserves for having fought the Japanese invasion as successfully as he did, and only receives criticism for not having committed more troops to the fight (as well as leaving commanders who were clearly incompetent in their posts). Bernstein explains that Chiang had very good political reasons for doing this, which were simply beyond the comprehension of US officials due to the cultural divide. Even if Chiang had wanted to make the KMT government less corrupt and anti-democratic, it is unclear if he could have survived politically.

Bernstein provides a thorough examination of all of the players involved in the struggle, and concludes that the only way the USA could have avoided "losing" China would have been to commit massive numbers of troops, presaging Viet Nam by a generation and probably with the same domestic results. Simply put, Mao had the domestic support, and Stalin had played his cards too well (basically backing both sides, so that even if Chiang had actually won, he still would have been forced to make China subservient to the Soviet Union). Could the hostility between China and the USA have been avoided? Probably not, says Bernstein, since Mao's commitment to his own acquisition of absolute power, and a basic lack of trust of the West, made it almost a foregone conclusion that the US imperialists were going be cast in the role of China's villainous enemy.

This is a thorough, even-handed account (unless, for some reason, you are a fan of Patrick Hurley) which provides a great deal of understanding of events which still have an impact on all of us today. It is also very well-written; despite a tremendous wealth of detail, it was quite easy to read. Very strongly recommended to anyone interested in the recent history of this region.

12 of 13 people found the following review helpful.
Details of what led to Communist victory
By LD
Personal comment: In 1964-5 I had an Asian history teacher who was Chinese. He explained that the way Orientals and Americans analyze a situation and draw conclusions were incompatible (his college roommate was in the CIA). Everything in this book confirms what he said.

Richard Bernstein provides a thorough discussion of the multiple situations, the thinking of the individuals involved, their decisions/actions, and unforeseen outcomes. I found his research fascinating- things we haven’t heard or read. Could China have been non-communist? That is the speculative question. Different readers will draw different opinions. One thing is for sure- without some actions by US officials the battle between Chiang Kai-shek and Mao Zedong would have been drawn out much longer. And perhaps Korea and Vietnam would have turned out differently.

Here’s some of the events discussed in the book so you can see the wide research that Bernstein did:
1) Chiang Kai-shek and Mao Zedong were allies in trying to defeat the warlords and unify the country. Chiang then broke with Mao and was on the verge of victory when Japan invaded.

2) Chiang was betrayed and then kidnapped by the communists. Mao wanted to kill him but Stalin said no. The two then agreed to a joint war with the Japanese.

3) Chiang’s army did most of the fighting and his domain suffered the most, resulting in disillusionment of the peasants and the army. p79,86

4) US officials did not understand Chiang’s strategy of defense in depth and reducing casualties. He was forced to fight and lose battles (weakening his position) in following the US strategy. p38

5) Unabashed admirers of Stalin and communism in the FDR administration and journalists reported that Mao was defeating the Japanese and was the future leader. They wanted the US to supply Mao and reduce Chiang. Communist seduction of delusional Americans completely hid Mao’s present and future goals. p100

6) Mao used Stalin’s methods (secret police, torture, confession, show trials) to silence dissent and rivals. Like Russia, communist officials lived an idyllic life compared to their subjects. p127,131

7) The biographies of Zhou Enlai and others reveal much not contained in history books.

8) By the time US officials realized what was happening, they knew that without US ground troops, the communists could not be defeated.

When you read the detailed accounts, you will see that the story is much more complex than these few highlights. Here’s an example: Mao told the Japanese prime minister in 1972, who was apologizing for the invasion, that without the war his remaining 7000 soldiers in 1937 could not have eventually won. p143

You will understand what life was like for the common people in different provinces of China and how that is impacting current modernization plans.

I think that both history and military buffs will find the behind the scenes enlightening. You will certainly better understand what is not being reported by the news media and why they can’t get beyond the headline.

17 of 20 people found the following review helpful.
What Lies Beneath
By ck
One of the enduring ironies of the decades after World War II is how two of America's allies, Russia and China, became her foes. The USSR kept German troops occupied on a second front at great cost. Similarly, China battled Japan in isolation for four years, and still as the war drew to a close in 1945, a weakened China continued to keep more than a million Japanese troops on its soil, preventing them from battling the Allies elsewhere in the Pacific.

If we want to understand the seemingly rapid shift in the U.S. government's perception and policies toward China in the watershed year of 1945, we must begin several decades beforehand. Thus, although author Richard Bernstein calls this book China 1945 it by necessity is much larger in scope.

Bernstein frames this book as an exploration of how choices the United States made in its relationship with China during a single year sowed the seeds of the harvest we have been reaping ever since. However, before he teases out the events of 1945, Bernstein explores two significant precursors. The first is China's bitter struggles with Japan dating to 1895; the second is the rise of two philosophically different groups, the Kuomintang (KMT) or Nationalists, and the Communist Party of China (CCP).

Because of an interest in Japan's history, even before I began reading this book, I was familiar with Japan's quest for expansion. Although I knew some of the details Bernstein covered, he placed them into a more meaningful context than I'd had previously, and one that is essential before exploring the choices during WWII, especially in 1945. I found Bernstein's chronology of Japan's engagements between 1895 and 1937 cogent and detailed, and think that readers with less familiarity will not be at sea.

Bernstein provides the same thorough, arms-length approach that makes his analysis of China's relationship with Japan so informative as he explores China's domestic situation and the evolution of its political evolution following the revolution that led to the creation of the Republic of China in 1912.

Only after readers have these contextual details firmly at hand does Bernstein begin teasing apart the key fissure lines and combustible events of 1945. Without a full grounding in what went before, for example, it is difficult to comprehend why China was in a "poor and fragile state" -- even before eight years of war waged by poorly outfitted, poorly fed troops, and a death toll of 20 to 30 million. Similarly, Bernstein makes it evident that one of the beneficiaries of Japan's advances on China was the Communist Party of China, led by Mao Zedong.

By the middle of 1944, Bernstein posits, Mao and his rival, KMT President Chiang Kai-shek, both believed that the U.S. would defeat Japan. That realization freed them to focus on which of the two sides would win victory in the internal struggle for control of China after the war ended. In this vein, he questions how subsequent events might have enfolded had the U.S. created a cooperative relationship with Mao on par with that it had developed with Chiang.

Bernstein maintains this high level of research and inquiry throughout the book, analyzing the policies and actions of a number of key players, both Chinese and American. This information reaches critical mass, so that we readers are prepared to work through the chain of events at war's end, when the CCP notified the U.S., Great Britain, and the Soviet Union that it had earned the authority to accept the surrender of its foes. Not only was the CCP explicitly claiming its right to take possession of the troops, but implicitly laying claim to their weapons and territory.

What happened next has echoed for decades, and Bernstein guides us through the unfolding of a host of confusing posturings and events, both directed at the domestic population and for consumption beyond China's borders. To his credit, he provides enough dispassionate information and analysis that we readers are able to evaluate his conclusions from an informed vantage point and formulate our own opinions.

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